English Quiz 195

(English Quiz 195)

1. When Japanese Self-defense Forces (SDF) troops departed for Iraq in 2004, they carried with them the fears of a divided nation, the historical burden of Japan's wartime actions—and Prince Pickles. The Prince, one of the SDF's cartoon mascots, is a cutesy manga character with saucer eyes and an oversized helmet who is supposed to soften the image of the Japanese military. Although the Prince seems unfit for service in a war zone, he's probably a perfect symbol for the SDF, which by law cannot use force beyond the minimum needed to defend itself and the nation. Japanese soldiers can find themselves in awkward situations because of these restrictions. While on duty policing Iraq as part of coalition forces, the SDF at times had to be guarded by Australian troops so that no one from Japan would be forced to fire a shot in anger. This is a military more kawaii than kamikaze.

Q: 試翻 "Although the prince ... defend it and the nation."

2. I like to keep Prince Pickles in mind as Japan inches closer to revising its pacifist constitution, adopted during the American occupation after World War II. On April 13, the ruling coalition, led by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), pushed through legislation in the Diet's lower house that set ground rules for updating Japan's basic laws to reflect 21st century realities. The bill now resides in the upper house; passage could eventually lead to a national referendum on the future of the constitution's Article 9, which prohibits Japan from waging war. Constitutional change would open the door for the normalization of Japanese forces, allowing greater participation in international peacekeeping operations, closer cooperation with the U.S., and perhaps the acquisition of offensive weapons such as cruise missiles. It would also fulfill a goal the LDP has held since it was established in 1955. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made constitutional amendment the cornerstone of his young administration, declaring that Japan must "slough off the postwar regime." That kind of talk sets off alarm bells for critics who view any easing of military limits as the beginning of a backslide into wartime aggression. (Former Singaporean leader Lee Kuan Yew memorably summed up these fears years ago when he said that allowing Japanese participation in peacekeeping operations was akin to giving liquor-flavored chocolates to a recovering alcoholic.) But despite the LDP's legislative success, constitutional revision is far from certain—and even if it does happen, the role of Japan's military is unlikely to change in a threatening way. Pacifism is too entrenched and too convenient for Japan to abandon it now.

Q: 試翻 "Former Singaporean leader ... a recovering alcoholic."

Q: 試翻 "But despite the ... in a threatening way."

3. Nor has there been a great push to increase defense spending. Confronted with a massive budget deficit and increasing demands for benefits from an aging society, Tokyo has held fast to an unofficial rule of diverting no more than 1% of gdp to defense—the U.S. spends about 4%—and this year spending will actually fall 0.2% to $40 billion, the fifth straight year of decline. Remilitarization simply isn't in the budget. "If the Cubans tested a nuclear bomb, you can bet American politicians would have to increase the defense budget," says Robert Dujarric, a security analyst with Temple University in Tokyo. "But there is no pressure from any segment of Japanese politics to spend more." And there won't be, as long as Japan rests snugly beneath the U.S. security umbrella as it has for over 60 years. The country is defended not so much by the SDF as it is by American jets, ships and nukes. Tokyo bears some of the financial burden, and Washington has begun to make noises about Japan picking up more of the tab—U.S. Ambassador Thomas Schieffer told a group of reporters last month "we would hope they would be able to spend more." But this is unlikely. Even as staunch a conservative as Hisahiko Okazaki, a former diplomat and an Abe foreign-policy adviser, says that Japan should focus on cementing the U.S. alliance, not on pursuing its own military destiny. Constitutional revision would allow greater military cooperation between the two countries. The result would be a safer Japan, and one with a stronger voice in regional affairs. But it won't mark a return to the imperial ideology of World War II. To the rest of the world, a post-Article 9 Japan should be about as scary as Prince Pickles in arms.

Q: 試翻 "But it won't mark ... Prince Pickles in arms."